{From Camel Trader to Warlord: The Rise of a Man Who Now Controls Fifty Percent of Sudan

Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, once earned his living dealing in livestock and precious metals. Currently, his RSF militia dominate nearly half of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a major victory by overrunning the city of al-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the Darfur area.

Feared and despised by his opponents, Hemedti is respected by his supporters for his tenacity and his pledge to tear down the corrupt state.

Modest Origins

His background is humble. He hails from the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arabic-speaking group that spans Chad and Darfur.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were not officially registered.

Led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan moved to Darfur in the late 20th century, fleeing conflict and in search of greener pastures.

Early Career

Dropping out of education in his early teens, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, ignored by the regime of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

As a countermeasure, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's force was among them, accused in attacking the village of Adwa in November 2004, killing over a hundred individuals, including dozens of minors.

A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.

Calculated Moves

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become head of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political organization.

At one point he rebelled, demanding unpaid salaries for his fighters, promotions, and a government role for his brother. Bashir acceded to many of his requests.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti led government forces that crushed them, taking over Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his family company al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

In 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as commander of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

International Connections

The RSF fought in the Darfur conflict, performed less successfully in the Nuba Mountains, and accepted a contract to police the Libyan frontier.

Supposedly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, beginning a close relationship with Emirati leadership.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men flocked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti formed an alliance with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, including in gold.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

With rising demonstrations, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the generals deposed him.

For a time, Hemedti was hailed as a fresh face for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which committed massacres, raped women, and reportedly executed men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for several years.

Current Conflict

When a committee began examining military-owned companies, the two generals dismissed the civilians and seized power.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF come under army command. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize key bases in the capital. The takeover effort failed, and fighting erupted city-wide.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit people.

The UN estimates thousands of casualties, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Current Status

Hemedti's forces obtained modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and critical for the capture of al-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has formed a parallel government, the so-called unity government, appointing himself leader.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of populated areas west of the Nile.

After allegations of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations committed by his soldiers.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to rule all of Sudan.

Alternatively, he may become a political puppet master, controlling businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

While Hemedti's forces commit violence in el-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a global community that overlooks.

Scott Johnson
Scott Johnson

A passionate hiker and travel writer sharing adventures from the Bologna Mountains and beyond.